All posts by mlamnini

The Governance of Canadian Airports

According to a study made public by the Institute for Governance (IGOPP), Canadian airports, which are public assets with a quasi-monopolistic position in their respective markets should be subjected to an independent review process of their decisions concerning major investments and tariff increases.

Ever since Ottawa’s decision to transfer the management of airport facilities to regional organizations, it is not clear to whom Canadian airports’ boards of directors are accountable. Canadian airports are important drivers of local and regional economies, but are losing market share to American airports operating close to the Canadian border. The study suggests that in order to strengthen the integration of airports into regional economies it might be advisable for the Canadian government to complete the process of “devolution” of airport management by offering the provinces and municipalities the possibility of acquiring the airport facilities. Of course, Ottawa would retain its strategic responsibilities for customs, immigration and air transportation safety.

This study was conducted by Professor Jacques Roy of HEC Montréal and Michel Nadeau, Executive Director of the IGOPP.

Dr. Yvan Allaire, the Executive Chair of the IGOPP’s board of directors, emphasizes that “This research is not meant to be a criticism of the management of Canadian airports but an assessment of their governance systems, their accountability and alternative forms of ownership.”

Under the current system, various public and private organizations select most members of the boards of directors of the airport authorities. But it is not clear to whom these directors are accountable. As the owner of the facilities, Transport Canada requires some reporting but its main concern seems to be ensuring that the rent for the facilities is duly paid. The boards of directors of airports have a significant decision-making authority in many areas, such as setting airport improvement fees to be paid by passengers, aircraft landing and take-off fees, infrastructure investments, and so on.

Despite considerable investments of several billion dollars over the last 10 years, the Canadian airports have not always risen to expectations with respect to regional economic development and have not succeeded in stopping the flow of Canadian travellers toward the cross-border airports where ticket prices are lower.

If ownership of the facilities were transferred to the provinces or municipalities, the airports would no longer have to pay rents to the federal government but instead would have to pay for the public capital invested.

A recent report of the Standing Senate Committee on Transport and Communications raised the same issues concerning the governance of Canadian airports.

The Governance of Canadian Airports

According to a study made public by the Institute for Governance (IGOPP), Canadian airports, which are public assets with a quasi-monopolistic position in their respective markets should be subjected to an independent review process of their decisions concerning major investments and tariff increases.

Ever since Ottawa’s decision to transfer the management of airport facilities to regional organizations, it is not clear to whom Canadian airports’ boards of directors are accountable. Canadian airports are important drivers of local and regional economies, but are losing market share to American airports operating close to the Canadian border. The study suggests that in order to strengthen the integration of airports into regional economies it might be advisable for the Canadian government to complete the process of “devolution” of airport management by offering the provinces and municipalities the possibility of acquiring the airport facilities. Of course, Ottawa would retain its strategic responsibilities for customs, immigration and air transportation safety.

This study was conducted by Professor Jacques Roy of HEC Montréal and Michel Nadeau, Executive Director of the IGOPP.

Dr. Yvan Allaire, the Executive Chair of the IGPPO’s board of directors, emphasizes that “This research is not meant to be a criticism of the management of Canadian airports but an assessment of their governance systems, their accountability and alternative forms of ownership.”

Under the current system, various public and private organizations select most members of the boards of directors of the airport authorities. But it is not clear to whom these directors are accountable. As the owner of the facilities, Transport Canada requires some reporting but its main concern seems to be ensuring that the rent for the facilities is duly paid. The boards of directors of airports have a significant decision-making authority in many areas, such as setting airport improvement fees to be paid by passengers, aircraft landing and take-off fees, infrastructure investments, and so on.

Despite considerable investments of several billion dollars over the last 10 years, the Canadian airports have not always risen to expectations with respect to regional economic development and have not succeeded in stopping the flow of Canadian travellers toward the cross-border airports where ticket prices are lower.

If ownership of the facilities were transferred to the provinces or municipalities, the airports would no longer have to pay rents to the federal government but instead would have to pay for the public capital invested.

A recent report of the Standing Senate Committee on Transport and Communications raised the same issues concerning the governance of Canadian airports.

Background and potential questions for a private session with CEOs

Dr. Yvan Allaire, Executive Chair of the Institute for Governance (IGOPP) and Chair of the Global Agenda Council on the Role of Business- World Economic Forum, has prepared this context paper on the Role of Business which have been presented at the 2014 Davos summit.

According to Dr. Allaire, the long-term success and survival of a business depends, or will come to depend, on its ability to create value for its many stakeholders, on its pro-activity in coping with the social and environmental consequences of its operations.

There are no villains in this story, rather a system of ideas, pressures and incentives has come about which we must understand and change. What changes in which part of the current economic system are most likely to bring some movement in the right direction? Are there prime movers in the system? In other words, are there fundamental causes to the current state of affairs, which, if not directly addressed and changed, will thwart any effort at reform?

No one can know how the next ten years are likely to unfold, but as the world’s problems grow increasingly pressing, it is clear that the world of 2024 will not look like the world of 2014.

Already thousands of companies understand that financial success can only be sustained if the firm also creates social, environmental and ethical value. These firms are drawing on universal principles in areas such as human rights, labor, the environment and anti-corruption to redefine their strategic and operating models, and they are exploring new disclosure and reporting standards in order to drive a “race to the top”. New forms of collaboration across industries, governments and civil society are emerging to shape the market conditions for entire industries, to bring about purpose-driven businesses.

What is the role of business?

Any business is a risky endeavour with an uncertain life expectancy. It has been, and should remain, a driver of innovation, a creator of wealth, a harbinger of economic freedom. The core mission of a profit-driven enterprise is not to fulfil some philanthropic duty. But neither is it solely to maximize short-term shareholder value.

The fundamental role of business has remained relatively constant: providing the goods and services that people need or want. What has changed dramatically over time are the expectations placed on businesses. Boards of directors, management and investors of large corporations are now expected to address an array of social, economic and ecological challenges.

Business derives its social legitimacy and right to operate from the economic value it creates for society at large, from its performance for both investors and a wider network of constituencies, its partnership with governments and other agents in solving social problems, and the trust its leadership inspires in employees and society as a whole.

Yet, all indicators show a sharp drop in the trust bestowed on most institutions over the last 20 years. The most recent Edelman Trust Barometer, while noting some improvement over the past year, still paints a sorry picture: overall trust in business and government stand at 50% and 41% respectively worldwide. That is a disturbing statistic but even worse is the level of trust in the leadership of business and government, which stands at a dismal 18% and 13% respectively. When respondents are asked to identify the reasons for trusting business less, some 50% point to “corruption/fraud” and “wrong incentives driving business decisions”; when asked the same question for government, 50% indicate “corruption/fraud” and “poor performance/incompetence”.

For a period of time, say until 1980, most large business corporations did abide by the belief that “making money for shareholders” was not the be-all and end-all of business. In fact, the notion that business has a higher purpose than generating profits is rooted in some of the earliest business endeavours. It is manifest in a famous exchange between Henry Ford and the lawyer for the Dodge brothers who were suing Ford for slashing prices of the Model T:

“What”, he [Dodge’s lawyer] asked Ford, “is the purpose of the [Ford] company?”

“To do as much possible for everybody concerned”, responded Ford, “to make money and use it, give employment, and send out the car where the people can use it … and incidentally to make money …Business is a service not a bonanza.”

“Incidentally make money?” queried the attorney.

“Yes, sir.”

“But your controlling feature … is to employ a great army of men at high wages, to reduce the selling price of your car, so that a lot of people can buy it at a cheap price, and give everybody a car that wants one.”

“If you give all that,” replied Ford, “the money will fall into your hands; you can’t get out of it.”

(Quoted in The Economics of Higher Purpose)

Yet, over the last three decades, this stakeholder model of the corporation was, in many instances, discarded and replaced by a shareholder-centric view. The drivers of this shift are multiple, very dynamic and difficult to contain. An ideology of market efficiency certainly played a role but so have changes in compensation models throughout the economic system.

The dominant discourse claimed that free and global markets for capital, goods, services and people were the wave of the future, that “shareholder value-creation” was the essential, sometimes the only, goal of stock-market listed corporations.

The result, overall, has not been very good: too much greed infecting economic activities; recurring financial crises and business fiascos eroding trust in organizations, in public institutions and in their leadership; rising inequality; reduced social mobility; short-term profit maximization in every nook and cranny of the economic system; benign neglect of social problems; the pauperization of workers in developed economies. Indeed, the US Bureau of Labor Statistics informs us of the dismal fact that average weekly earnings and average hourly earnings in constant dollars in 2010 were significantly lower than in 1975.

A healthy society, and an effective organization for that matter, must find ways to balance and reconcile in its bosom the “humanist” and the “economist” who live in every one of us. The stakeholder model of the corporation did strike a delicate balance between the economic and humanist imperatives. Can it be reinstated as a business model for the future?

The case for a renewed commitment to the stakeholders that bestow legitimacy on businesses is a compelling one, even to many who benefit mightily from the current state of affairs.

The issue, and the formidable challenge, resides in the means to bring about this transformation of financially driven businesses into “purpose-driven” corporations.

To do so, we need a shift in the ideological underpinning of our economic system – a widespread epiphany about what will be our collective fate and that of future generations if we continue on our present course.

Davos Forum 2014

Dr. Yvan Allaire, Executive Chair of the Institute for Governance (IGOPP) and Chair of the Council on the role of business- World Economic Forum, has moderated a session entitled “CEO Dialogue on the Role of Business” organised by the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2014. This session was attended by more than 100 CEO.

To find out more about the topics covered, please review the context paper below prepared by Dr. Allaire.

The Global Council brings together some 17 influential leaders from the world of international business, elite universities and the media. Professor Allaire has been a member of this Global Council since 2010 and was a panelist at the Davos Forum in 2010 and 2011.

Dr. Allaire has made several game-changing proposals about the international financial system in recent books co-authored with Professor Mihaela Firsirotu:

Rethinking CEO’s golden parachute

[…] “Professor Yvan Allaire, chair of the board of directors of the Institute for Governance of Private and Public Organizations (IGOPP), an initiative of HEC Montréal and Concordia University, objects to CEOs receiving such large payments when a firm is sold.

If it’s a negotiated sale, he believes CEOs with golden parachutes will be more inclined to push their boards to accept the deal and less motivated to negotiate a higher price for shareholders because the executive qualifies for a payout no matter what the sale value.

Similarly, he says, if it’s a hostile takeover and the CEO gets paid off as a result of having a golden parachute, again there’s no motivation to defend the interests of the shareholders.

“Whether we like it or not, it’s an incitement to sell the companies. I don’t like the motivation.”

In the 1980s, when leveraged funds tried to buy out companies, management and governing boards would try to fight them, Allaire noted. But now, with special change-of-control clauses negotiated by CEOs, many of them don’t object because it triggers a payout.

“Now, if those same people come around and say, ‘We’d like to buy you,’ you see senior management thinking, ‘Wow, that means a whole pile of money coming in. It’s an extraordinary deal so let’s go for it.’ I just don’t like that motivation.”

Instead of a lucrative golden parachute arrangement, Allaire believes a better practice from a governance point of view is for companies to just have standard management contracts in place with CEOs that merely set out what they get paid if they’re let go — for whatever reason.

The normal payoff for those types of contracts is two years’ salary plus anticipated bonuses, he says” … Read more

IGOPP Calls for Executive Compensation Reform in Groundbreaking Study

“The Institute for the Governance of Private and Public Organizations (IGOPP) announced today the release of their most recent policy paper on executive compensation, entitled “Pay for Value: Cutting the Gordian Knot of Executive Compensation”.

The policy paper, prepared by Professor Yvan Allaire for the working group on compensation of IGOPP, noted that, “We are making a series of recommendations about the complex and emotionally charged issue of executive compensation. We hope that our analysis and recommendations will prove a valuable contribution to what has become the most salient and vexing governance issue.”… Read more

The future of corporate governance

Large corporations can and should play a significant role in how we deal with social and environmental issues. To do this, however, they need to focus on building long-term value for all stakeholders rather than focusing on delivering short-term returns to shareholders.

When managers and board of directors of widely held, stock-market listed corporations look at the financial and governance landscape, what do they see?

  • A widespread belief (at least in Anglo-Saxon countries) that boards of directors have a legal responsibility to act solely in the interest of shareholders and that shareholder value creation is their sacred duty
  • A ritual of quarterly meetings with financially driven analysts, all about meeting expectations for earnings per share and growth in revenues
  • Speculators of all sorts who can, and do, play nasty games with the company’s stock (short-selling, total return swaps, puts and calls, etc.) or its public debt (credit derivative swaps, etc.)
  • The looming possibility of being targeted by “activist” hedge funds, if the company fails to meet financial expectations and create shareholder value
  • The monitoring of their corporate governance and executive compensation by proxy advisors with considerable influence on the election of board members
  • High turnover of shareholding, with a median holding time of under two years for institutional investors and an overall average holding period of less than a year as a result of high-speed trading, etc.
  • Executive compensation systems, which in spite of all efforts are still considered by many as aberrant and based on measures that reward short-term performance

Senior executives may well believe in the need to broaden the horizon and the goals of the corporation. But the diktats of financial markets and typical executive compensation linked to stock price will convince them of the wisdom of a rising stock price and ever-growing earnings per share. All other stated goals become secondary, lip service or good public relations.

Until some pretty fundamental changes are made to this system, widely held, listed corporations will not, cannot really, pursue long-term strategies beneficial to all stakeholders, and society at large.

Some changes: who owns the company?

An important change, or rather a clarification, relates to the fundamental question: to whom are company directors and managers accountable?

The pat answer, of course, is shareholders. But this shareholder primacy is largely a myth.

Legal statutes and precedents in several countries, including Canada, the United Kingdom and several states of the United States, establish that boards have to make decisions “in the long-term interest of the company” (Canada) and “that the directors must exercise their business judgment and decide what is in the corporation’s long-term interests” (USA). Company law in the United Kingdom is even more explicit, stating that company directors “must act in the way he considers, in good faith, would be most likely to promote the success of the company for the benefit of its members as a whole.”

Indeed, boards of directors in many countries actually have a legal authority they rarely exercise or are frightened to use: to act in the long-term interest of the company and its various stakeholders.

Corporate citizenship

Several other measures would likely change the pernicious dynamics just described. For instance, in all decent societies, newcomers must wait a period of time before acquiring full citizenship and the right to vote. Tourists, for example, don’t vote. Why not institute a form of corporate citizenship whereby shareholders acquire the right to vote only after one year of ownership and “tourist shareholders” do not get to vote?

Why do institutional investors continue to be hostile towards dual-class shares, a capital structure in companies such as Berkshire-Hathaway, Google, Facebook, The New York Times and Netflix? This form of ownership, when structured in a way that protects minority shareholders, provides continuity of control for entrepreneurs, protects long-term planning and makes the company impervious to short-term financial games.

Alternatively, why not allow companies to limit, through their charter, the percentage of votes which may be exercised, irrespective of the percentage of shares owned. For instance, Nestlé, operating under Swiss corporate law, has limited voting rights to 5%.

Why not give corporations the possibility to calibrate dividends according to holding period, as is possible under French corporate law? What if governments were to set tax on capital gains on a sliding scale, decreasing as holding periods increase?

Compensation

The forms and levels of executive compensation have often turned management into well-paid servants of shareholders addicted to stock price rushes.

Why not eliminate executive compensation directly linked to share prices? At the very least, let’s eliminate yearly grants of options and restricted shares as well as the weakest link of the whole system: setting compensation on the basis of what a set of comparator companies pay their own executives.

Large companies should attend to the needs of several constituencies, including investors. But that will not happen, really happen, unless changes are brought to the sort of financial capitalism which has come to dominate the economic functioning of societies.

Systemic federal risk :

The federal minister of finance is wrong to think a national securities commission would lower risk.

Give the federal minister of finance his due: He is nothing if not persistent. Rebuffed by the Supreme Court of Canada in a unanimous and blunt judgment, the minister is trying to squeeze a national securities commission through the small openings contained, as a sort of consolation prize, in the Supreme Court’s decision:

“While the proposed Act must be found ultra vires Parliament’s general trade and commerce power, a cooperative approach that permits a scheme that recognizes the essentially provincial nature of securities regulation while allowing Parliament to deal with genuinely national concerns remains available…

However, as important as the preservation of capital markets and the maintenance of Canada’s financial stability are, they do not justify a wholesale takeover of the regulation of the securities industry which is the ultimate consequence of the proposed federal legislation. The need to prevent and respond to systemic risk may support federal legislation pertaining to the national problem raised by this phenomenon, but it does not alter the basic nature of securities regulation which, as shown, remains primarily focused on local concerns of protecting investors and ensuring the fairness of the markets through regulation of participants.”

(Judgment of the Supreme Court, December 2011; emphasis added)

The federal minister of finance has thus embarked on a campaign to woo the provinces with trinkets and baubles of “cooperative federalism.” Ontario, which needed no persuasion as it has been drooling for a long time to become the home of a central, national securities commission, and British Columbia have jumped on the federal bandwagon. Other provinces are more reticent and may wave the train by. Certainly Quebec and Alberta, the formidable challengers of the last federal initiative, remain doggedly opposed to, and unimpressed with, this new variant.

But, why does the federal government manifest such determination to having it its way, to impose some central organization to oversee the securities business?

Let’s put aside any political motive that twisted minds might conjure up and suppose rather that the federal minister of finance is truly worried about the heightened systemic risk to the Canadian financial system brought on by our fragmented, provincially based securities commissions.

Is he right to fear that without a central coordinating body regulating securities, Canada could be handicapped in dealing with a systemic financial crisis of the sort the world experienced in 2008.

The answer is a simple and categorical no!

“Canada has no need of any ‘central’ securities commission”

The last financial crisis, the most lethal we have experienced since 1929, provided an eloquent demonstration: The countries with centralized securities commissions, such as the Unites States and Great Britain, were the most affected by the crisis. At no time did the crisis threaten the Canadian financial system; the only event that had a whiff of what was happening elsewhere occurred with respect to asset-backed commercial papers (the famous ABCP); but at no time did that unfortunate episode pose a systemic risk for Canada.

In fact, the six large Canadian banks represent the true systemic risk to our financial system; the size of their assets, the diversity of their operations and the linkages among them put the whole system at risk should one of them falter. However, these banks come wholly under federal jurisdiction. The Office of the Superintendent of Financial Institutions (OSFI) and the Bank of Canada wield the power and authority to impose all precautionary measures on these banks. In March 2013, under the terms of the Basel Accords, the OSFI formally decreed that the six Canadian banks were systemically important financial institutions (SIFI). As a result, these banks must submit to a set of measures (enhanced capital ratios, etc.) designed for worldwide institutions that have been so labeled.

Over-the-counter (OTC) derivatives, opaque and poorly regulated, played an important systemic role in triggering the last financial crisis. Remember AIG and its virtual insolvency resulting from its massive involvement in credit derivatives. The astronomical volume and transnational character of these OTC derivatives could once again create havoc for the international financial system. What should Canada do about these lethal derivatives? Does the absence of a “national” securities commission inhibit efforts to deal with this systemic problem?

Well, a little known instance, the Heads of Agencies (HoA), dealt with the issue swiftly, cooperatively and effectively. The HoA, under the leadership of the Governor of the Bank of Canada, brings together OSFI and the heads of the securities commissions of Alberta, B.C., Ontario and Quebec, to discuss and take actions on matters of national importance. The HoA has been tasked to implement all measures recommended by the G20 to which Canada has committed.

Canada now has a framework to enhance the transparency and international regulation of derivative instruments, a framework developed through a cooperative process, without the need of any “central” securities commission.

The federal minister of finance, once again, is basing his initiative on arguments that are unfounded in fact or in theory. Canadian systemic risk comes above all from the major universal banks, a sector wholly under federal jurisdiction.

As for other risks, the framework put in place to regulate over-the-counter derivatives provides a fine demonstration that the present system works well.

The burden of proof that the present system increases systemic risk in Canada falls squarely on the minister’s shoulders. It is a burden he has failed to discharge thus far.

Five years on from the financial crisis, what has changed?

Five years after the collapse of Lehman Brothers, the Forum:Blog will be publishing a number of personal views by key figures on the event and its implications. The views expressed are those of the author, not necessarily the World Economic Forum.

A great deal of pain was inflicted on ordinary, innocent people by the financial crisis, a crisis that was neither an act of God nor a perfect storm but a totally preventable, greed-fuelled tragedy.

The simmering crisis erupted on September 15th 2008 at 1h15 AM when lawyers for investment bank Lehman Brothers petitioned the U.S. court for protection under Chapter 11 of the bankruptcy code. With liabilities of over $600 billion, it was the largest bankruptcy in U.S. history.

The Lehman bankruptcy triggered a lethal spiral. As liquidity and trust evaporated from the system and as the linkages among financial institutions became glaringly obvious, the whole financial system was revealed to be vulnerable and tottering. A wind of panic blew hard and cold. Politicians had no other choice but to throw public money at the banks and other financial firms to prevent a total meltdown of the international financial system.

The storm passed. In amazement and disbelief, the world looked at the extent of the devastation and the price that governments had to pay to contain the crisis. Then the real economies of almost all the developed countries went into a recessionary tailspin. Some governments introduced ill-advised austerity programs to repay some of the debts and further deepened their economic woes. Popular anger was and still is palpable and flammable.

Regulation post-crisis

Committees, commissions and books that have looked into the crisis have largely concurred on its causes: the massive deregulation of the financial system; the size and form of executive compensation; the use of poorly understood, esoteric financial “products”; rating agencies’ uncritical approach to those products; poor risk assessment methods; and accounting principles which turned out to be lethal in a crisis situation.

Proposals for new laws, regulatory frameworks and preventive measures gushed out from the G20, the European Union, Basel and Washington. In July 2010 the American Congress passed the Dodd-Frank Act, 800 pages of legislation aimed at giving additional powers to regulators.

After enduring a purgatory of vilification by lawmakers, pundits and lay people, the financial industry began to push back. A different twist was given to the causes of the crisis, a twist that emphasized the reckless behaviour of people with little means wanting to live beyond their financial capability.

Wall Street quickly realized that not much had changed in how the American political process operated. The implementation of the Dodd-Frank Act has been slowed down by political manoeuvring and court challenges. Key parts of the Act remain in limbo, and reformist enthusiasm in Congress is gradually subsiding.

Five years on from Lehman and more than three years after the enactment of Dodd-Frank:

  • Derivative products are but partly regulated;
  • Other than an advisory say-on-pay vote by shareholders and the eventual publication of the ratio of CEO compensation to the employee median compensation, executive pay levels and practices remain practically unchanged;
  • The “Volker rule”, to prohibit banks from trading in the markets on their own account and restrict their activities involving private equity and hedge funds, remains inoperative;
  • The rating agencies have retained most of their prerogatives;
  • Systemically important financial institutions have been identified and will eventually be subjected to capital-adequacy rules and other measures to limit the risk they represent for the financial system as a whole;
  • The limitations of corporate governance in large complex organizations – the asymmetry of information, expertise and knowledge between the board and management – remain unaddressed.

Slow-paced, stumbling, diluted, yet a financial system reform is taking shape and will eventually reduce the risk of a crisis with the same dynamics as the last one; it may be the equivalent of building the Maginot Line after WWI ! But the character of the international financial system is fundamentally unchanged; the motivations that drive the system remain as they were before the crisis. That may be a harbinger of crises to come.

What should be done?

Space here does not allow for an extensive consideration of measures that may go to the root of the causes; but here’s a sketchy set of proposals:

  • It must be noted, and it is not a coincidence, that all firms involved in the financial crisis were widely-held, stock-market traded corporations; a particular nexus of risk-rewarding compensation systems, soaring complexity and weak board governance has come to characterize this form of ownership; but for the last twenty years, all investment banks were organized as partnerships; would partners have taken the risks that Bear Stearns, Lehman, Morgan Stanley and Goldman Sachs eventually took on as publicly traded companies? Publicly traded firms should not be allowed to take on more complexity than a competent board can govern effectively.
  • Corporations must take on a broader role than delivering ever growing quarterly earnings per share; yet, the whole framework of impatient and transient shareholding, proxy advisory firms, and activist hedge funds make it very difficult to pursue any objective other than the satisfaction of the financial markets; it would be productive to adopt measures to motivate longer term holding of shares (different vote structure, enhanced dividend after a period of years, et,) as well as alternative forms of ownership, like dual class of shares, cooperative undertaking, private ownership. In this way, companies might be insulated somewhat from short-term pressures and again plan and manage for the long term, which implies due consideration to all stakeholder that give legitimacy to a business firm.
  • The legal framework for corporation should make clear that the board must act and decide in the long-term interest of the corporation, which must include consideration of all stakeholders of the company.
  • Finally, let’s review the whole system for setting executive compensation; it is a broken system that needs retooling.

On becoming an activist board!

The governance reforms carried out in publicly traded companies since, if not before, the fiascos called Enron, WorldCom, Tyco, Global Crossing, et alia have resulted in boards of directors largely staffed with independent, diligent people with solid business experience.

Then, why is it that boards, though dutiful and careful, remain surprise-prone and ill-equipped to challenge management. How can we explain the governance issues manifested in so many corporations? Indeed, if management does not provide the board with the relevant information, hides from the board or lies to the board, how can the board be held accountable?

Yet, in most, if not all, fiascos, in hindsight, it appeared that warning signs had been overlooked by the board, red flags unseen, symptoms unattended, vagueness not probed.

Boards in the dark
The Lehman bankruptcy some five years ago offers a stark illustration of this phenomenon. In his report (in 9 volumes and over 2, 200 pages), the court-appointed Examiner finds no actionable fault (“colorable claim” in the American legal jargon) against the board of directors of Lehman.

At the time of its bankruptcy, Lehman’s board was, typically, made up of retired CEOs of large industrial companies unrelated to the Lehman business (IBM, GlaxoSmithKline, Haliburton, Telemundo Group, Sotheby’s), a theatrical producer, the former CEO of the American Red Cross, a couple of long-serving members, and the recent arrival (April 2008) of a former executive from
the financial sector.

The board did what it could; board members exercised their business judgment, a judgment shaped by an experience totally foreign to the investment banking/trader business in the years 2000-2008. They made decisions on the basis of their limited knowledge of the financial business and the information management provided and carefully managed.

For the board meeting of March 20th, 2007, the people responsible for preparing a presentation for the president of Lehman exchanged e-mails conveying his expectations: “Board is not sophisticated around subprime market- Joe [the president of Lehman] doesn’t want too much detail. He wants to candidly talk about the risks to Lehman but be optimistic and constructive –talk about the opportunities that this market creates and how we are uniquely positioned to take advantage of them”.

Read more

$0.45 Hourly Wage Increase for American Workers in Last Seven Years

[…]”GoBankingRates.com arrived at these findings by evaluating average worker pay from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) (2006 – 2013) and CEO compensation from the Institute for Governance of Private and Public Organizations’ ‘Pay for Value: Cutting the Gordian knot of Executive Compensation’ (2012) as well as AFL-CIO’s current ‘Executive Paywatch.’ Worker output data comes the BLS preliminary multifactor productivity trends report (2012); data regarding the distribution of family income (or gini index) comes from the Central Intelligence Agency’s ‘The World Factbook.’ ” … Read more

Lessons from SNC-Lavalin: The mirage of board governance

In a recent commentary in The Globe and Mail, Gwyn Morgan, the former chair of the board of SNC-Lavalin, gives us his take on what happened within the engineering giant and offers some advice to improve corporate governance. The gist of his piece bears on how hard working and diligent the chairman and the board members were after they were informed of malversation by some members of management.

His explanation of why the board could not prevent the abuses at SNC-Lavalin rests on two axioms from the playbook of “good” corporate governance:

  • “Non-executive directors are not involved in day-to-day operations of the company. They must rely on information received from people within the company. When a small number of people deliberately set out to falsify documents, commit bribery and cover up theft, it can be exceedingly difficult to detect…”
  • “One of the most widely accepted corporate governance principles is the clear separation of the role of board members from that of management.” Boards must trust management to be…trust-worthy and let management manage.

After some 15 years of tweaking and polishing the theory and practice of “good” governance, board members, through no fault or inadequacy on their part, remain surprise-prone, dimly aware of various goings-on in the company, poorly informed and lacking the wherewithal to challenge management. In the current form of governance, corporate directors are somewhat akin to skaters making intricate arabesques on a frozen lake, largely unaware of the teeming life underneath.

The governance orthodoxy that became dominant since Sarbanes-Oxley has only reinforced this character of governance: a fiduciary façade for shareholders, a simulacrum of decision-making authority over management.

What has happened recently at SNC Lavalin, a company with stellar Globe and Mail governance scores (1st in 2005 and 2009; 2nd in 2006; 3rd in 2008; 7th in 2003, 2011, 2012) illustrates this point rather eloquently. The SNC-Lavalin board, made up of experienced people, had to face up to a crisis it did not see coming.

But could the board have foreseen and prevented the scandals, legal imbroglios and international embarrassment now weighing on the company’s future? Wisdom after the fact is a most common, and detestable, quality.

Yet, as a dutiful practitioner of “good” governance, SNC-Lavalin provides an abundance of information in its annual “Management Information Circular” which brings forth some relevant questions.

For instance, in this circular for fiscal year 2010, the company informs us that 7 of its 12 board members claim, on a grid of competencies, that “they know well the geographical regions where the company operates” and 9 members check that “they have an international business experience”. One may think that people who know well how business is transacted in, say, Libya (Transparency International corruption score 160th out of 174 countries), Algeria (score 105th), Tunisia (score 75th) would have asked pointed, skeptical questions about the ways of winning large contracts in these markets. Perhaps they did. But would they not want to follow up with policies about which countries should SNC-Lavalin be allowed to prospect for contracts? Perhaps they simply did not know how business is actually conducted in exotic places.

Not that they did not have an opportunity to raise those questions. The management information circular for the fiscal year 2011 reports that board members participated in training sessions where 50 presentations were made on various projects worldwide. Board members, it is reported, were also privy to sessions bearing on global issues and acquisitions strategies in specific countries: India, Brazil, Libya, Southeast Asia.

In its annual report for 2010, SNC-Lavalin lists among the business risks of the corporation “anti-bribery laws”, about which the report states reassuringly: “The Company’s controls, policies and practices are designed to ensure internal and external compliance with these laws”.

One may certainly dare ask how could the board, dependent as it is on the information provided by management, ascertain that every control was in place to ensure compliance? In the 2011 annual report, this blanket guarantee that everything is under control is replaced by a subdued statement: “Our policies mandate compliance with anti-bribery laws.”

The solution to the kind of governance issues raised by SNC-Lavalin will not come from a further tightening and refining of what we call fiduciary governance: the set of punctiliously applied rules, guidelines, and principles, which has come to define “good governance”.

Let’s be clear. In the Anglo-American model of the widely-held, publicly traded corporation, governance is largely a mirage. For those looking from afar, the board of directors looks like a decision-making and controlling body, the ultimate authority over the company and its management. From up close, the mirage dissipates into a stark reality where impeccably independent directors, no matter how impressive their biographies, are the vassals of management, dependent on management with its advantage in information, in time invested, and in specific expertise.

The relative success of “activist” hedge funds (e.g. at Canadian Pacific) and private equity funds underlines the flawed practices of “good” corporate governance. We need “activist” boards, boards that create lasting value for the company and its stakeholders. We must question some of the axioms that support the current practice of governance. We must re-tool and re-think the whole business of corporate governance.

That should have been the lesson learned by Mr. Morgan from his dismal experience at SNC-Lavalin.

Opinions expressed herein are strictly those of the author.

The limits of “good” governance:

In an opinion piece in the Globe and Mail of July 26th, 2013, Mr. Gwyn Morgan, the former chair of the board of SNC-Lavalin gives us his take on what happened there and offers some suggestions to improve corporate governance. The gist of his piece bears on how hard-working and diligent were the chairman and the board members after they were informed of malversation by some members of management.

His explanation of why the board could not prevent the abuses at SNC-Lavalin rests on two axioms from the playbook of “good” corporate governance:

  • “Non-executive directors are not involved in day-to-day operations of the company. They must rely on information received from people within the company. When a small number of people deliberately set out to falsify documents, commit bribery and cover up theft, it can be exceedingly difficult to detect…”
  • “One of the most widely accepted corporate governance principles is the clear separation of the role of board members from that of management.” Boards must trust management to be…trust-worthy and let management manage.

After some 15 years of tweaking and polishing the theory and practice of “good” governance, board members, through no fault or inadequacy on their part, remain surprise-prone, dimly aware of various goings-on in the company, poorly informed and lacking the wherewithal to challenge management. In the current form of governance, corporate directors are somewhat akin to skaters making intricate arabesques on a frozen lake, largely unaware of the teeming life underneath […] Read more

Why acquisitions fail to create value and what can be done about it?

That so many mergers and acquisitions have failed to deliver value for the shareholders of the acquiring firm (or merged firms) has become a dominant theme, the conventional wisdom of the post 2000 era. That is, of course, until the next wave of acquisitions washes in with its “implacable” logic and seductive rationale.

The evidence of failure at the game of M&A is harsh and overwhelming, or so it seems:

  • Two thirds of all transactions completed during the 1980’s ended up destroying value for the acquirer(Sirower,1997);
  • Of 150 deals of over US 500M in the 1990’s, half eroded the returns of the acquirer and only 17% increased returns substantially (Accenture, 2001);
  • From a study of 700 cross-border deals between 1996 and 1998, KPMG concludes that 53% destroyed value; furthermore, they found that cross-border deals involving a U.K. and a U.S. company were 32% more likely to succeed while deals involving U.S. and continental European firms were 11% less likely to succeed.
  • Based on a survey of 118 companies worldwide conducted in early 2001, KPMG estimates that 30% of M&A transactions these companies engaged in have created value, 39% produced no discernible difference and 31% actually destroyed value; they further observe that 24% of companies in Europe and 35% of companies in the US created value. A similar survey conducted two years earlier had found that only 17% of transactions had created value […]

Here is a question to the reader. Why did companies keep on acquiring other companies at an unprecedented rate throughout the 1990s and early 2000s despite this overwhelming evidence?

What can explain this behavior on the part of highly paid, presumably sagacious, expensively advised CEOs? In our experience and based on abundant empirical evidence, the answer to that question is multiple. […] Read more

Canadian takeover regime

On March 13, 2013, the Autorité des marchés financiers and the Canadian Securities Administrators published, for comment, proposed amendments and changes to Multilateral Instrument 62-104 Take-Over Bids and Issuer Bids, National Policy 62-203 Take-Over Bids and Issuer Bids, and National Instrument 62-103 Early Warning System and Related Take-Over Bid and Insider Reporting Issues. On March 14, 2013, the CSA issued an invitation to comment on the proposed National Instrument 62-105 Security Holder Rights Plans, which would establish a comprehensive regulatory framework for the treatment of rights plans in Canada.

The Institute for Governance (IGOPP) today has submitted his comments to AMF and CSA.

In its document, the IGOPP point out that the time has come to change/modernize the antiquated, obsolete regulations of takeovers in Canada. The provincial securities commissions, coordinated through the Canadian Securities Administrators, must bring forth a framework for takeover regulation that complies with Canadian laws and jurisprudence.

  • Canadian corporate governance already complies with what the activist investors are fighting for in the United States; elimination of staggered boards and separation of power between the chair of the board and the CEO, both governance principles which make it easier to carry out a hostile takeover; combined with the widespread practice of majority voting for board members, these features of Canadian corporate governance provide shareholders with the means and tools to punish an errant board.
  • The changes in shareholding since 1987 have been remarkable; as soon as a takeover offer is made public, the financial calculus of present shareholders coupled with the actions of specialized funds transform radically and swiftly the shareholder base of the target company; to consider these new shareholders as the “owners” of the corporation, the sole “deciders” of its fate, needing the benevolent protection of securities commissions against malevolent, conflicted management, seems like an imaginative scenario of times past.
  • That concept of the role of securities commissions flies in the face of the Canadian Business Corporation Act and Supreme court jurisprudence; it is high time that the CSA align their regulations with what is Canadian law; securities commissions cannot, should not, thwart the authority and responsibility of directors to act in the long-term interest of the corporation in the case of takeovers, the quintessential decision about the long-term interest of the corporation and of all its stakeholders.
  • The quaint notion that management is, ipso facto, against the takeover of their company because of inherent conflicts of interest must be updated; because of the changes in compensation system for executives and board members, the concern has become that management and boards may be too receptive to a takeover offer that may not be in the interest of the corporation and its stakeholders. The potential conflict of interest has switched side. Securities commissions should be alert to the appearance of that phenomenon and assess measures to limit this sort of conflict of interest.

For all these reasons, IGOPP and its board of directors(*) strongly support the proposals put forth by the AMF and urge other provincial securities commissions to join in this crucial effort to modernize the regulation of takeovers in Canada.

(*) However, as per the policy of the AMF, Mr. Louis Morisset of the Autorité des marchés financiers abstained