All posts by mlamnini

After the meltdown

The financial crisis of 2007-08 has generated new rules, regulations and guidelines to cope with the flaws and faults of the international financial system. What kind of regulatory context is likely to evolve from this massive effort? Will it be sufficient to prevent the next bubble and crisis? Or is this only a political operation to placate an angry population? Clearly, the sum total of new rules and regulations once fully implemented would prevent a crisis of the same form and nature as the last one. But will it prevent the next one? That is the question.

[…] Read more

No one (in Ottawa) would listen!

Of all the convoluted arguments marshaled to support the case for a centralized, national securities commission, none is more shop-worn than pointing to the shining example of the American Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC).

Clearly, it is asserted with a booming voice, modern financial markets require tightly coordinated regulations and enforcement, which only a single, centralized agency can provide. Canada, they continue, is sadly unique in the world with its Province-based and decentralized regulatory system. Canada is also a rare country to have weathered the financial hurricane of 2008 relatively unscathed!

Superior coordination and enforcement??

If anyone persists in claiming superior virtues for a centralized regulatory system à la SEC, let them read (actually force them to read) Harry Markopolos’s true financial thriller “No one would listen” (Wiley, 2010). Markopolos is, of course, the whistle-blower who vainly tried to get the SEC to investigate Bernie Madoff from 2000 until the eventual collapse of his Ponzi scheme in December 2008 as a result not of any action taken by the SEC but of the stock market crash.

Markopolos tells a frightening tale of incompetence, indifference and arrogance at the SEC. What’s most relevant to our federal attempt to install a centralized regulator with regional offices is the impotence and frustration of the SEC’s Boston office, to which Markopolos reported his findings on Madoff’s scheme.

Markopolos writes: “The New England region extended south only as far as Greenwich, Connecticut. Even if [the Boston office] had wanted to, it would not have been permitted to send an investigative team into New York City. Once you crossed into New York State, you had to deal with the New York regional office. And […] the two offices were extremely competitive; there was not a lot of respect in either office for the other one. […] the chances of the New York office warmly embracing a case handed to them by the Boston office were somewhat limited”

So much for the benefits of superior coordination and seamless operations that will flow naturally from a centralized Canadian securities commission!

Anyone who has studied organizations knows that branches, regional offices, divisions of the same organization are not more likely to cooperate with each other than with outside entities.

Indeed, a study sponsored by the Hockin Expert Panel to assess the causes of the ABCP issue and whether a centralized regulatory system would have prevented the problem states: The ABCP crisis turns out to be a poor test with respect to arguments in favor of greater consolidation of regulatory responsibility… The case for consolidation would be strengthened if there is evidence that communication between different parts of a single agency proves more effective than communication among agencies. (Chant, 2008, p.46) […] Read more

The Institute for Governance at Davos Summit

In a document prepared for the World Economic Forum’s Global Council on the role of business in the 21rst century, Professor Yvan Allaire, chairman of the Institute for Governance (IGOPP) puts forth several proposals that would radically change the way capitalism works

In a document prepared for the World Economic Forum’s Global Council on the role of business in the 21rst century, Professor Yvan Allaire, chairman of the Institute for Governance of Public and Private Organizations (IGOPP) puts forth several proposals that would radically change the way capitalism works.

These proposals will be discussed at the World Economic in Davos between January 26th and 30th.

The 16 members of this Global Council include CEOs of American, European, and Asian corporations as well as academics from several universities, including Harvard and top Chinese universities.

Mrs. Monique Leroux, chair and chief executive officer of the Mouvement Desjardins, has also joined the Council last year.

The enhanced regulation of financial markets:

To stifle financial speculation and ban the shenanigans that brought on the devastating stock market crash of 1929, the U.S. Congress enacted a series of measures to save a moribund capitalist system. The Glass-Steagall Act of 1934, in barely 53 pages, mandated a new regulatory framework for banks and other financial institutions in the United States.

Under intense popular pressure countervailed by equally intense and effective lobbying, the US Congress finally adopted in July 2010 the Dodd-Frank Act as a putative response to the financial collapse the world experienced in the fall of 2008. In its draft form, the Act ran to some 2,315 pages; in its final official version (in eight-point types), the Dodd-Frank Act takes 848 pages to mandate a new set of rules for the U.S. financial system!

A 53-page Act in 1934 versus an 848-page one in 2010 is a good indicator of the intricacy and complexity of financial markets in our time. But the act is only the tip of a new U.S. regulatory iceberg. The Dodd-Frank Act heaps upon U.S. regulatory agencies dozens of unresolved issues with instructions for them to bring forth policies and rules to cope with these issues at a specified later date. In this manner, the U.S. regulation of the financial system is at best a work in progress with an uncertain final shape.

The Financial Stability Board (FSB), an off-shoot of the G20 set up to give substance to financial reform, coordinate and monitor its implementation, has also issued its own voluminous documentation and multiple recommendations. Indeed, all G20 nations have committed to implement, in a coordinated manner between now and the end of 2012, regulatory or supervisory frameworks along the lines of the FSB recommendations.

The Bank for International Settlements (BIS) and its Basel III Committee for Bank Supervision have also proposed an elaborate set of measures to strengthen the international banking system and improve its resilience and resistance to violent financial storms. The FSB and the BIS have a close working relationship.

The European Union (EU) Commission has also produced an abundance of policy papers and proposals on these issues, which, in several instances, go beyond the recommendations of the FSB. The financial crisis, it seems, provided the EU Commission with an opportunity to take on new powers and to assert its authority over national regulatory bodies.

The International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO) has also issued a number of policy papers on key aspects of the financial system.

Although sound policies and some measure of luck have shielded it from the financial debacle of 2007-2008, Canada, as a member of the G20, as an active participant on the FSB and on the Basel III Committee, must implement in some fashion the policy recommendations and regulations coming out of these bodies.

Of course, Canadian banks, along with all banks in developed economies, will have to abide by the Basel III stipulations, under the watchful supervision of the Office of the Superintendent of Financial Institutions (OSFI).

This article aims at providing an overview of what these long and complex policy documents aim to achieve. It assesses the adequacy of this regulatory response to the causes of the systemic crisis of 2007-2008. […] Read more

The tired and tiresome arguments for a national securities commission

In the Globe and Mail of December 1st, Mr. Monahan states boldly, peremptorily, that “The policy case for a single national regulator is surely overwhelming”. But it is not, far from it.

His first argument, if that is what it is, has to do with the issuance of shares in all parts of Canada. Mr. Monahan seems to imply that an issuer in Canada has the burden of dealing with 13 securities commissions. Has he heard of the passport system whereby filing with the securities commission of the province where the company is domiciled is equivalent to filing with all jurisdictions? Of course, the system would work even better if Ontario agreed to participate fully, but some arrangements are in place to minimize the cost and impact of Ontario’s limited participation in the passport system.

A second, related, point has become the favourite cliché in this debate. Other countries have a single regulator; Canada still suffers from a fragmented system and, thus, is not well represented in international forums such as the International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO). This is “embarrassing” to Mr. Monahan.

Has he   heard of the Canadian Securities Administrators (CSA), an effective body where national policies are reviewed, discussed, and adopted? At IOSCO, Canada has two voices (Quebec and Ontario) but a single position, adopted at the CSA and defended as a Canadian position. Indeed, Quebec even sits on the executive committee of IOSCO. Does he think that, with a “national” commission, some super federal civil servant”, head of this commission, could take policy positions at international forums in the name of Canada without extensive consultation with “regional” stakeholders? The CSA does that more effectively.

Because shares are traded across Canadian provincial boundaries, Mr. Monahan claims that a central, national, commission is required. Then, let’s be consistent; because shares are traded in large volumes across national boundaries, Mr. Monahan should argue for a single international securities commission, located in London or Berlin or Hong Kong. Why not call immediately for a single securities commission for the 27 countries of the European Union instead of the European Securities Committee (ESC), the equivalent of our CSA? Brussels commissars would applaud loudly this suggestion. IOSCO and ESC, coordinating mechanisms for national commissions, seems quite capable of doing at the vast international level what, in Mr. Monahan’s view, CSA cannot do for Canada.

With this Canadian arrangement made up of a passport system and a CSA as a coordinating mechanism, we have the best of all possible worlds: an efficient, cost-effective system, sensitive to regional differences and needs, adapting swiftly to emerging issues, articulating and defending Canada’s position with a single voice in international forums.

The fact is that Canada is respected and given high marks by all international organizations (the OECD, the World Bank, the World Economic Forum) which assess countries for the effectiveness of their securities system, their corporate governance and the protection of minority shareholders. The fact that Canada outclasses most countries with centralized securities commissions or matches the best of them does not give pause to proponents of the “national” commission. The fact is that Canada has weathered the worst financial crisis in 80 years with little damage. Who can say the same for countries with wonderfully centralized securities commissions?

Some people in and around Ottawa want to repair a system that isn’t broken.

Governance at Maple Leaf Foods

Being subjected to a lesson in governance by a hedge fund, as the Maple Leaf Foods Corporation has to endure, is somewhat akin to being lectured on abstinence and modesty by the residents of the Mustang Ranch bordello in Nevada.

Hedge funds, more appropriately called “speculative funds” in most cases, have resisted all efforts of regulators to shed some light on their murky operations; by the standards imposed on public corporations, their governance ranges from poor to non-existent; investors, who risk their money on their adventures, get to sit, not on a board of directors, but merely on “advisory committees”.

Whenever a private equity/hedge fund decides to become listed on a stock exchange, as Blackstone and KKR have done, they grab on a loophole, becoming publicly listed limited partnerships, which shields them from most governance obligations imposed on other corporations, including the requirement of a board made up of a majority of independent directors!

Hedge funds demand egregious fees for questionable performances (see Dickey, I.D. and G. Yu (2010); Ibbotson, R.G. et al. (2010)). Their general partners make unconscionable amounts of money, yet cast a critical eye on executive compensation. […] Read more

Parliamentary committee studying Bill 123

The IGPPO, through its chairman of the board and general manager presented a brief to the Committee on Public Finance regarding Bill 123, an Act Respecting the Amalgamation of the Société Générale de Financement du Québec and Investissement Québec.

This brief details the Institute’s comments on the legislation as well as a set of concrete suggestions.

Committee members noted their appreciation for the IGPPO’s remarks, which defended the autonomy of “new” Investissement Québec’s board of directors.

According to Mr. Allaire and Mr. Nadeau, Bill 123 leaves too many discretionary powers in the hands of the minister and the government.

Bill 123, an Act Respecting the Amalgamation of the Société Générale de Financement du Québec and Investissement Québec was tabled in Quebec’s National Assembly on October 28th, 2010 by Clément Gignac, the minister of economic development and export trade.

Parliamentary committee studying Bill 123

The IGOPP, through its chairman of the board and general manager presented a brief to the Committee on Public Finance regarding Bill 123, an Act Respecting the Amalgamation of the Société Générale de Financement du Québec and Investissement Québec.

This brief details the Institute’s comments on the legislation as well as a set of concrete suggestions.

Committee members noted their appreciation for the IGOPP’s remarks, which defended the autonomy of “new” Investissement Québec’s board of directors.

According to Mr. Allaire and Mr. Nadeau, Bill 123 leaves too many discretionary powers in the hands of the minister and the government.

Bill 123, an Act Respecting the Amalgamation of the Société Générale de Financement du Québec and Investissement Québec was tabled in Quebec’s National Assembly on October 28th, 2010 by Clément Gignac, the minister of economic development and export trade.

The Sale of Potash:

The Canadian government blocked the company BHP-Billiton from acquiring Potash Corp, giving the would-be acquirer 30 days to improve on its offer.

Why, after Alcan, Falconbridge, Inco and others would the Canadian government even consider approving this deal; because Canada, it seems, is easily intimidated when it comes to the rough game of international competition. The Canadian government is rife with free-market advocates who, in the opinion of several pundits, committed the horrible sin of “’political expediency” by blocking the takeover of Potash.

These pundits, of all stripes, came out of the woodwork to remind us all that shareholders are the “owners” of the company, that Canadian firms also make acquisitions abroad (Quick: name the last successful “hostile” takeover abroad by a Canadian company). We are also sternly warned about the damage to Canada’s reputation as a destination for foreign investments etc., should the Government of Canada block a takeover by a foreign company. In the course of the next thirty days, commentators will make their case again, leaning hard on the “conservative” principles espoused by the Harper government.

“If you’re a conservative, you must support the right of a company’s shareholders to dispose of their assets as they see fit, untrammelled by government intervention.

If you’re a conservative, you believe investment dollars should flow to where they’re wanted, and that protecting Potash Corp. from the market would endanger Canadian investors looking to acquire assets abroad.”

(John Ibbitson, Globe and Mail, November 3rd 2010)

The argument about shareholder sovereignty sounds particularly hollow. It seems to be based on a residual belief that share holding has remained what it used to be: a fairly stable group of people and funds who believe in the prospects of a company. Well, average holding period of shares has dropped under one year; in the bizarre world of short sellers, stock derivatives, day-traders, black pools, high-speed traders, flash orders, speculators of all stripes, etc., etc.,  the notion that whoever happens to hold shares of a company on a particular day is the legitimate “owner” of that company seems strange. In all decent societies, tourists don’t vote, gamblers don’t own the casino!

In the hours and days after (sometimes before) a bid to acquire a company has been announced, a massive volume of transactions occurs with the net result that a substantial proportion of the shares ends up in the hands of hedge funds and arbitrage funds. They, and other speculators, are supposed to be treated as the hallowed owners of the company holding a legitimate right to decide on its fate and future! […]  Read more

Potash and Couche Tard :

*(The opinions expressed herein are the author’s and not necessarily those of IGOPP or of its board of directors)

In April 1990, the Pennsylvania legislature enacted one of the strongest anti-takeover bill passed by any state. The immediate purpose of that bill was to block the Canadian Belzberg family in its attempt to acquire Armstrong World Industries, a Pennsylvania company.

The wave of hostile takeovers in the 1980s, fuelled by junk bonds, leveraged buy-outs, raiders of all sorts and “green-mailers”, triggered legislative action in some thirty states in the Land of Free Markets. These anti-takeover legislations vary from state to state but they all resulted in shifting the balance of power to the board of directors. In the supposedly investor-friendly United States, state governments acted to make “hostile” takeovers very difficult, nary impossible.

Ever since American states enacted these laws, the financial community and sundry economists have lamented the “discount” in share value that results from such protection from takeovers. Yet, these laws are still very much on the books. They empower a company’s board of directors to reject an offer to buy the company if they deem that it is not in the long-run interest of the company. In some states, they may (in two states, they have to) consider the impact of the proposed takeover on all stakeholders (employees, creditors, suppliers, the community). The result may well be an enhanced offer so as to turn a hostile takeover attempt into a friendly one.

Compare this to the Canadian situation. In Canada, once a company is “in play” [i.e. an offer to buy the company has been received from a credible entity], the board’s role is limited. It must organize a proper auction for the company and, in the end, recommend that shareholders accept or reject the best offer on the table. Shareholders may disregard this recommendation. If they hand in their shares in sufficient number, the deal is done.

“Poison pills”, so-called “rights plan”, serve mainly to give the board of directors some respite while they angle for a better sale price. Anytime a company is put “in play”, by decision time, a large percentage of the shares will be in the hands of arbitrageurs and other hedge funds. They will play a significant role in deciding the fate of the company; but their motivations are simple and well known: make sure the buyer likely to offer the most money in cash is lined up and go for it. Alcan, Falconbridge and Inco are good models of the way acquisitions work in Canada.

The same process is now underway for the Potash Corporation. This company, the largest producer of a non-renewable resource with 20% of the world’s operating capacity, is now on the auction block. The board and management have few options but to seek the best price for the company and, ultimately, to recommend to shareholders to accept or reject the best offer on the table. Shareholders, whoever they may be by that time and whatever their motivations, may take or reject the board’s advice.

Alimentation Couche-Tard’s hostile bid for Casey’s

Contrast BHP-Billiton’s hostile bid for Potash Corporation with Alimentation Couche Tard (ACT)’s increasingly bitter fight to acquire Casey’s, an American operator of convenience stores, legally domiciled in Iowa.

Clearly, ACT is not bidding to acquire some company in a sensitive industry. The deal would not affect the national security of the USA, nor would it put in foreign hands a large chunk of its non-renewable natural resources. It’s all about convenience stores. Yet, the Iowa Business Corporation Act makes it virtually impossible for a would-be acquirer to succeed if the board of directors wants to resist the takeover. Shareholders have very little say in the process.

The Iowa Business Corporation Act (and it is also the case in several other state jurisdictions) provides the board of directors with the following means of fighting a hostile bid:

  • A Poison Pill Statute, which expressly permits directors to adopt “rights plans” with almost unfettered discretion as to their terms*;
  • A Business Combination Statute, which basically imposes a three-year moratorium on the acquirer combining or selling assets of the target company; this statute prevents the acquirer from extracting any economic benefit from the acquisition for a period of three years*;
  • An Other Constituencies Statute, which permits a board of directors to consider, and even favour, other constituencies, the corporation’s employees, suppliers, customers and creditors and the communities in which the corporation operates*;

Obviously, ACT will not succeed in its takeover attempt unless these statutes are successfully challenged, which is the tricky route ACT has taken. This Canadian company must thus take on the burden of demonstrating to the appropriate U.S. courts that these Iowa statutes are in violation of various acts, including the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution! Good luck and Godspeed.

Conclusion

The point here is a rather obvious one. In the USA, a Canadian company is prevented by state corporate laws from taking over a fairly pedestrian company, a transaction which raises no large issues of national security or control of non-renewable resources. In Canada, a foreign-owned company may take over, with relative ease, a leading company exploiting non-renewable Canadian resources.

In the former case, boards of directors have been given powerful weapons to thwart any hostile takeover; in the latter case, the board becomes a mere sales agent for the company. The state of Iowa may have gone too far in protecting its companies against hostile takeovers. Clearly, Canada has not gone far enough.

*Quoted in the filings of ACT v. Casey’s

 

Magna and the price of control

(The opinions expressed in this text are those of the writer and not necessarily those of the Institute or of its board of directors)

Alas, the company’s magna cum laude performance as a first rate industrial concern is not matched by its performance in the shareholder business, where it deserves a severe magno cum opprobrio. Let’s see why.

The coattail

In an early, path-breaking move, the Toronto stock exchange decreed in 1987 that any company issuing a class of shares with superior voting rights would have to include a provision that no offer to acquire the class of controlling shares would be valid without the would-be acquirer making a concurrent offer at the same terms and conditions to the other class of shareholders (the “coattail provision”). The TSX did not impose a period of transition but grand-fathered the rights of dual-class companies to continue without a coattail provision. As a result, in 2006, more than 20 years later, 13 of the 96 Canadian companies with a dual class of shares still did not have a coattail provision, among which, Magna International.

Absent a coattail provision, it is consistent with financial market practices to be paid a “control” premium at takeover time or at the time of reverting to a single class of shares. Magna did not adopt a coattail provision (when many other companies, also “grand-fathered”, did so); control is exercised by the founding shareholder through a very small fraction of the equity (66% of votes with 0.6% of the equity). What is it worth then to shareholders to be rid of that capital structure?

The irony here is that because the ownership structure of Magna is so unusual, even abnormal, the controlling shareholder can extract large sums of money to give it up! The management information circular on the transaction points to the fact that ”..despite Magna’s strong operating and financial performance, …voting shares have traded at enterprise value, to EBITDA multiples that are significantly below Magna’s industry peers” (page 7). No doubt a few years ago, Magna’s management would have deemed this sort of calculus misguided, equivalent to comparing apples and oranges.

The Valuation Conundrum

Be that as it may, one can juggle the numbers in myriad ways but, in the end, there is little doubt that the market value of Magna would increase by some 15% to 20%, should its peculiar dual-class structure be eliminated. Given that Magna had a market value of some $7.3 billion before the announcement of the proposed transaction, this premium would translate in an additional market value of between $1.1 and $1.4 billion. Is disbursing some $$840 million to the controlling shareholder to achieve that market premium fair and appropriate?  Does it reflect an effective bargaining process between the special committee and the controlling shareholder? The controlling shareholder’s leverage, and the putative value of his shares, comes from the fact that he could, on his own decision, sell the control of the company while all other shareholders get nothing. Would an outside party pay some $840 million to gain control of Magna (but only 0.6% of the equity)?

The proposed transaction is, or should be, the outcome of tough negotiations between the special committee and the controlling shareholder. The result of that negotiation would normally be supported by both parties. Why is it that the special committee refuses to recommend that shareholders vote in favour of the transaction?

Recommendations

The Institute that I chair took a policy position in 2006 on capital structures with dual class of shares. Though generally favourable to this type of ownership structure, the policy paper made several recommendations, two of which are particularly relevant to the Magna case.

  • Tighten and broaden the coattail provision to all dual-class share structures such that any offer to buy control from a controlling shareholder in these companies  must include an offer on the same terms and conditions to all other shareholders.
  • Absolute, legal, control of a corporation through shares with superior voting rights should not be achieved without the controlling shareholder owning at least 20% of total equity.

The voting power dilution resulting from dual-class shares varies enormously across Canadian companies. Overall, the median voting power dilution (in 2005) was 4,38 (meaning that the median controlling shareholder has 4.38 times more votes than the percentage of the equity he/she owns). Magna, at 100, is clearly an outlier.

A number of reasons support a 20% threshold. Indeed, that level of equity ownership by one shareholder is deemed to result in effective control of the company; no transaction is likely to succeed without the assent of that shareholder.

Empirical studies have pointed out that too large a discrepancy between voting power and the percentage of equity held by a controlling shareholder (referred to as economic interest) may lead to an increased risk of misalignment between the interest of the corporation and the interest of this shareholder.

Therefore, a shareholder should own at least 20% of the total equity to maintain absolute control of a company. Such a rule provides entrepreneurs with considerable latitude for growth of their company before their voting power falls below 50% (but their effective control would remain formidable even at that point).

Conclusion

By its ownership structure, Magna is a sort of dinosaur, a soon-to-be extinct species of corporation: huge voting power dilution for subordinate shares and the absence of a coattail provision. Is the cost of its extinction too high? Is the sharing of benefits between the controlling shareholder and the other shareholders fair?

At any rate, Magna should not become the stick to beat on dual class of shares. This form of ownership has played an important role in the make-up of the Canadian industrial structure and is generally beneficial as long as a suitable framework is in place to protect minority shareholders.

Obsessing about a national securities commission

(This comment reflects the opinion of the author and not necessarily that of the Institute or of its board of directors)

It is curious, even strange, to hear the federal finance minister on May 26th 2010 repeat, like a well-trained parrot, the same lame arguments about why Canada must have a single, national, securities commission. The French version of the argument was even more pathetic.

Let’s single out some pearls of tortured logic.

“A national commission will result in cost savings for the benefit of issuers”; but the new system will call for a new national super-structure; yet there should not be any staff reduction in the personnel of provincial commissions (who, in participating provinces, will become (better paid?) federal civil servants)!

“Canada is the only country member of the OECD which does not have a national securities commission”; but as Terence Corcoran wrote in the Financial Post on May 26th “Canada is the only developed country without a national regulator and the only country not to be burned by the global financial crisis, therefore Canada will create a national regulator. Doesn’t work as a logical syllogism.” Canada indeed fared best when most everywhere else their financial system was going over the cliff!

“Canada is an international laughing stock with its 13 jurisdictions”; but international organizations, far from laughing at Canada, regularly rank our country among the best for its corporate governance and the protection of investors! For instance, in an OECD report, Canada came in 2nd for the quality of overall securities regulation ahead of the USA (4th) and the UK (5th). The World Bank ranked Canada in 5th place for investor protection, again ahead of the United States (7th) and the United Kingdom (9th).

“A single national regulator will do a better job of enforcing the law and prosecuting criminals”; but the federal government is already responsible for the legal framework governing the prosecution of criminal cases, a framework that differs radically from the American system of justice; furthermore, the evidence is mounting that efforts at centralized investigation and litigation have been disappointing; moreover, the track record of “national” securities commission in other countries provides very tepid support for centralized arrangements. It is instructive and discomforting to read how the Boston office of the SEC had tried, in vain, for several years to bring the Washington SEC enforcement authorities to look into Bernard Madoff’s affairs; so much for the superior coordination of a centralized organization.

“A national securities commission will result in simpler, more effective processes for investors”; again the bugaboo of 13 jurisdictions is trotted out; there is a wilful ignorance of the effective coordination that has been put in place by provincial securities commission (with Ontario opting out!), that a single filing is required to satisfy the requirements, that a recent, little known invention, called the Internet, has made filing and reporting a simple, inexpensive process. […] Read more

Black Markets and Business Blues wins prestigious international award

This book has won the prestigious Silver prize at New York’s Independent Publisher Awards in the Current Events category

IGPPO chairman Yvan Allaire’s latest book Black Markets… and Business Blues: The Man-made Crisis on 2007-2009 and the Road to a New Capitalism, which he co-wrote with Mihaela Firsirotu, holder of the Bombardier UQÀM chair, has won the prestigious Silver prize at New York’s Independent Publisher Awards in the Current Events category.

Allaire and Fisirotu’s book is in good company. Other workd honored include This Time is Different: Eight Centuries of Financial Folly, by Carmen M. Reinhart and Kenneth S. Rogoff.

The prizes were awarded yesterday at a gala that took place in New York City.

Is Say on Pay An Effective Governance Tool ?

This report examines whether Say on Pay is a useful tool to ensure that executive compensation plans are designed in a way that is consistent with the firm’s best interests. It addresses five related questions:

  • What is Say on Pay?
  • What does Say on Pay imply about governance?
  • What means are available to provide shareholders with Say on Pay?
  • What is the impact (the impact on whom or what?) of providing shareholders with Say on Pay?
  • Should Canada consider Say on Pay?

What is Say on Pay? Say on Pay is a commonly used expression to reflect the concept that shareholders have an opportunity once a year to hold a vote on the pay of a firm’s executives. The vote can either be non-binding (Australia, U.K., Canada and the U.S.) or binding to directors (Netherlands, Sweden).

What does Say on Pay imply about governance? Say on Pay implicitly implies that the underlying governance, most notably the board of directors, is ineffective. Say on Pay may then be useful if one assumes that shareholders are more adept than the board of directors in dealing with executive pay issues, and have less conflict of interests then the directors in doing so. However, if shareholders make worse decisions than directors and/or have more conflicts of interests than directors, then Say on Pay may undermine the effectiveness of the pay decision-making process. However, Say on Pay does raise several legal and economic concerns regarding its impact on directors’ role and duties.

What means are available to provide shareholders with Say on Pay? Say on Pay can be implemented in two forms: either it is adopted voluntarily following a shareholder proposal to that effect, or it is required by law, with government mandating that firms adopt Say on Pay and specifying its terms. There are very few instances of voluntary adoption of Say on Pay through successful shareholder proposals to that effect. Say on Pay is mandatory in the U.K., Australia, the Netherlands and Sweden. The U.S. House of Representatives has just adopted a similar measure, but it has yet to pass the Senate.

What is the impact of providing shareholders with Say on Pay? The U.K. and U.S. experience with shareholder voting on executive pay suggests the following four conclusions. First, shareholders rarely disagree with the executive pay plans proposed by boards of directors. Second, shareholder dissent with proposed executive pay plans is strongest when shareholders are initially given the opportunity to vote on executive pay plans, and then declines over time. Third, Say on Pay has the largest impact on firms with poor performance, and on firms where executive compensation is high compared to their peers’ executive pay. Fourth, Say on Pay leads to lower compensation growth for these firms and less rewards for failure, i.e., compensation becomes more sensitive to poor performance. While Say on Pay may lead to more pre-Annual General Meeting dialogue between institutional investors and directors as the latter attempt to enhance the potential for a vote that supports the executive compensation plan proposed in the executive compensation report, it may be also translate into more homogenization of executive compensation into perceived best compensation practices.

Should Canada consider Say on Pay? We conclude that mandated Say on Pay does not seem to bring many benefits and that it may actually be costly from a societal perspective. However, voluntary Say on Pay may have merits, assuming that its implications on the fiduciary duty of directors are well defined and that shareholders have the ability and incentives to make decisions that are in the firm’s best interests.

The IGOPP at Davos in 2010 !

Professor Yvan Allaire, chair of the IGOPP’s board of directors, will participate at the upcoming World Economic Forum’s (WEF) Davos summit

Professor Allaire was invited to join the WEF’s recently created “Global Agenda Council on the Role of Business,” following publication of his work Black Markets and Business Blues, (which he co-wrote with Professor Mihaela Firsirotu)

This working group* was mandated to reflect on the role of businesses in society and to formulate action proposals with a global scope. The working group’s preliminary recommendations will be presented at the upcoming summit in Davos next January.

The Members of Global Agenda Council- WEF:

  • Yvan Allaire, Chair, IGOPP Canada
  • Dominic Barton, Worldwide Managing Director, McKinsey & Company, United Kingdom
  • Samuel A. DiPiazza Jr, Chief Executive Officer (2001 2009),PricewaterhouseCoopers International, USA
  • William W. George, Professor of Management Practice, Harvard Business School, USA
  • Rosabeth Moss Kanter, Arbuckle Professor of Business Administration, Harvard Business School, USA
  • Georg Kell, Executive Director, Global Compact Office, United Nations, New York
  • Jack Ma Yun, Founder and Chief Executive Officer, Alibaba.com, People’s Republic of China
  • Takeshi Niinami, President and Chief Executive Officer, Lawson, Japan
  • Indra Nooyi, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, PepsiCo, USA ; Member of the Foundation Board of the World Economic Forum
  • Tarek Sultan Al Essa, Chairman and Managing Director, Agility, Kuwait
  • Werner Wenning, Chairman of the Board of Management, Bayer, Germany